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  This article is part of David Leonhardt’s newsletter. You can sign up here to receive it each weekday.

  Twenty-eight years ago this month, President George Bush took a break from his vacation in Kennebunkport, Maine, to deliver a big speech about China. Bush flew from his family’s compound on the Maine coast to his alma mater, Yale, and gave a graduation speech that doubled as a policy announcement.

  It was 1991, only two years after the Tiananmen Square massacre. Some members of Congress were trying to persuade Bush to punish China’s human rights atrocities by refusing to renew its status as a “most favored” trading partner of the United States. But Bush said no.

  He justified the decision with soaring language about the morality of engaging with China rather than punishing it. “It is wrong to isolate China if we hope to influence it,” he said.

  That same view would guide the next three presidents — Bill Clinton, George W. Bush and Barack Obama. And their approach certainly had some benefits. Hundreds of millions of Chinese citizens have emerged from abject poverty.

  But there have also been downsides. China has gotten away with cheating the international trading system, stealing intellectual property, blocking foreign countries from entering its market, heavily subsidizing Chinese companies, bullying other Asian countries and repressing its own citizens.

  President Trump is now taking a more hawkish approach to China. I think his approach is clumsy, highly flawed and likely to fail. (My colleague Bret Stephens has a good explanation of why.) But unlike in so many other policy areas, Trump’s instincts are at least directionally correct. I hope that whoever succeeds him as president recognizes the problems not only with Trump’s strategy but also with that of his predecessors.

  Back in 1991, Bush was making a bet — that treating China favorably would cause it to become a less repressive, more open society. “We want to advance the cause of freedom, not just snub nations that aren’t yet wholly free,” he said. He lost that bet.

  Go deeper on China

  On this week’s episode of “The Argument” podcast, Ross Douthat, Michelle Goldberg and I debate the wisdom of Trump’s China policy. We also talk about a potential comeback for organized labor, and I tell a story about my experience in The New York Times’s union.

  Elsewhere, on China: The Washington Post’s Greg Sargent and the Brookings Institution’s Thomas Wright both have advice for the Democratic presidential candidates. Sargent says Democrats should cast Trump’s tariffs on China as a failure of “unilateral America-First Trumpism.” He argues: “This isn’t a debate Democrats need to fear.”

  Wright, in The Atlantic, advises Democrats to cast China as a threat to America’s economy, security and values. “Democrats need a powerful foreign-policy message that connects with domestic politics,” he writes. “Competing responsibly and effectively with China is the best one they have.”

  Robert Rubin, a former Treasury secretary, and Kishore Mahbubani, a former Singaporean diplomat, both think there are better alternatives than confrontation. Mahbubani argues in Harper’s that the United States should match China’s investments in research and education, while limiting its rise through international organizations like the United Nations and the World Bank.

  Rubin, in The Times earlier this year, wrote, “For the future of humanity, not to mention our immediate economic interests, our two countries must recognize our mutual self-interest in a constructive relationship.”

  Trump’s failure to press China on human rights abuses against the country’s minority Muslim population is both a moral and strategic failure, says CNN’s Frida Ghitis: Highlighting those abuses would give Trump more leverage.

  “China is now an adversary of the United States. A wise U.S. policy should treat it as one. But it should also do everything possible to keep it from becoming an enemy,” Bret Stephens writes, in the column I mentioned above. “How do we gradually deflect and deflate the ambitions of an immense rival power, without quite bursting them? That will be America’s central geopolitical challenge for years to come.”

  If you are not a subscriber to this newsletter, you can subscribe here. You can also join me on Twitter (@DLeonhardt) and Facebook.

  Follow The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook, Twitter (@NYTopinion) and Instagram.



  晚上六个彩开什么【叹】【息】【声】【过】【后】,【观】【众】【们】【纷】【纷】【站】【起】【开】【始】【鼓】【掌】。 “【好】【样】【的】!” “【你】【们】【都】【是】【好】【样】【的】!” “【我】【们】【是】【埃】【瓦】【尔】!” 【石】【新】【逐】【渐】【听】【到】【了】【这】【些】【声】【音】,【他】【环】【顾】【着】【四】【周】—— 【那】【些】【笑】【容】,【那】【些】【挥】【舞】【的】【双】【手】,【那】【些】【掌】【声】—— 【还】【有】【那】【些】【穿】【着】【自】【己】【红】【蓝】【色】10【号】【球】【衣】【的】【孩】【子】—— 【这】【些】【都】【是】【就】【是】【让】【努】【力】【更】【有】【意】【义】【的】【东】【西】! 【心】

【勤】【政】【殿】【内】,【暗】【卫】【将】【徐】【陈】【幻】【的】【行】【踪】【汇】【报】【完】【毕】,【朱】【寂】【弘】【眸】【中】【皆】【是】【厉】【色】,【抬】【手】【举】【到】【书】【案】【右】【侧】【的】【端】【砚】【上】,【手】【腕】【下】【垂】,【指】【尖】【摩】【挲】【端】【砚】【边】【缘】。 【天】【子】【不】【言】,【却】【已】【是】【山】【雨】【欲】【来】。 “【所】【以】,【幻】【儿】【先】【是】【寻】【找】【卢】【玄】【塞】,【寻】【而】【不】【得】【后】,【又】【前】【往】【程】【可】【策】【府】【上】?” 【天】【子】【怒】【而】【不】【发】,【暗】【卫】【心】【中】【惧】【之】,【却】【不】【得】【不】【回】【答】【道】:“【正】【是】。” 【百】【里】【骆】

【【最】【近】【不】【太】【频】【繁】【的】【更】【新】,【两】【三】【天】【一】【更】【实】【属】【正】【常】。】 …… 【没】【事】,【算】【是】【处】【理】【一】【点】【以】【前】【留】【下】【来】【的】【债】。” …… 【清】【晨】, 【这】【是】【紫】【枫】【来】【到】【这】【个】【时】【代】【的】【第】【四】【十】【一】【天】,【在】【这】【短】【短】【的】【四】【十】【几】【天】【中】,【紫】【枫】【可】【谓】【收】【获】【蛮】【多】。【不】【仅】【收】【获】【众】【美】【人】【的】【心】,【修】【为】【更】【是】【一】【日】【千】【里】,【而】【更】【难】【得】【可】【贵】【的】【是】:【自】【紫】【枫】【获】【得】【前】【世】【今】【生】【的】【所】【有】【记】【忆】【之】

  【众】【人】,“……” 【齐】【刷】【刷】【地】【看】【着】【王】【一】【严】【很】【决】【然】【离】【去】【的】【背】【影】,【又】【齐】【刷】【刷】【地】【看】【向】【凌】【濛】【初】,【不】【等】【凌】【濛】【初】【回】【应】,【又】【不】【约】【而】【同】【地】【看】【向】【了】【郑】【毅】【凡】,【是】【你】【嘛】? 【郑】【毅】【凡】,“……” 【和】【他】【有】【什】【么】【关】【系】?【那】【明】【明】【只】【是】【个】【小】【说】【好】【嘛】。 【朱】【泽】【宇】,“……” 【这】【样】【也】【行】?【这】【小】【子】【的】【卫】【生】【和】【成】【绩】,【是】【不】【是】【不】【用】【他】【操】【心】【了】? 【朱】【泽】【宇】【深】晚上六个彩开什么《【系】【统】【让】【我】【去】【送】【死】》【这】【本】【书】【的】【设】【定】【有】【些】【擦】【边】,【所】【以】【虽】【然】【上】【架】【了】,【但】【是】【没】【发】【布】VIP【章】【节】,【总】【觉】【得】【随】【时】【会】【被】【和】【谐】。 【构】【思】【了】【好】【久】,【总】【结】【了】【一】【下】【这】【本】【书】【的】【优】【缺】【点】,【又】【开】【了】【本】【新】【书】,【更】【大】【的】【脑】【洞】,【更】【绿】【色】【的】【设】【定】,【更】【精】【彩】【的】【剧】【情】,【更】【庞】【大】【的】【世】【界】【观】。 【新】【书】【已】【经】【签】【约】【成】【功】,【大】【家】【也】【可】【以】【投】【资】【一】【下】。 —————————

  【金】【秋】【送】【爽】,【转】【眼】【又】【是】【一】【年】【一】【度】【的】【开】【学】【季】。 【作】【为】【全】【市】【最】【好】【的】【高】【中】,【一】【中】【的】【校】【门】【很】【是】【气】【派】,【门】【口】【的】【公】【告】【栏】【中】【展】【示】【着】【一】【排】【排】【的】【照】【片】,【全】【都】【是】【各】【届】【的】【杰】【出】【校】【友】。 “【快】【看】【这】【个】,【这】【个】【学】【长】【好】【帅】【啊】。”【有】【刚】【入】【学】【的】【新】【生】【站】【在】【公】【告】【栏】【前】【指】【指】【点】【点】,【让】【我】【看】【看】,“【啊】,【是】【花】【滑】【运】【动】【员】【诶】!” “【林】【展】【涵】【你】【都】【没】【有】【听】【说】【过】?”【另】【一】

  【终】【于】【完】【本】【了】? 【终】【于】【完】【本】【了】。 【这】【本】【书】【的】【成】【绩】【说】【实】【在】【的】,【比】【前】【几】【本】【都】【要】【好】,【要】【好】【太】【多】【了】,【均】【订】【几】【乎】【翻】【了】【几】【倍】,【但】【要】【说】【效】【果】,【还】【是】【感】【觉】【不】【太】【理】【想】。 【主】【要】【是】【在】【开】【篇】【的】【时】【候】【出】【了】【几】【个】【失】【误】,【比】【如】【在】【漫】【威】【写】【帮】【派】,【劝】【退】【了】【不】【少】【读】【者】。 【因】【为】【我】【一】【开】【始】【先】【接】【触】【的】【是】【玄】【幻】,【都】【市】,【写】【的】【时】【候】【下】【意】【识】【就】【这】【么】【设】【计】【剧】【情】【了】,【结】【果】

  【京】【松】【高】【速】【是】【一】【条】【单】【向】【五】【车】【道】【的】【主】【干】【高】【速】【公】【路】,【作】【为】【连】【接】【首】【都】【与】【经】【济】【重】【镇】【的】【大】【动】【脉】,【这】【条】【高】【速】【公】【路】【的】【建】【设】【等】【级】【在】【国】【内】【无】【疑】【是】【称】【得】【上】【首】【屈】【一】【指】。 “【所】【以】【说】,【这】【到】【底】【是】【怎】【么】【一】【回】【事】?” 【此】【时】,【一】【辆】【白】【色】【的】【玛】【莎】【拉】【蒂】【正】【以】【时】【速】120【公】【里】【的】【速】【度】【奔】【跑】【着】,【车】【内】,【林】【剑】【握】【着】【方】【向】【盘】,【眼】【睛】【瞥】【了】【一】【眼】【车】【内】【后】【视】【镜】,【脸】【上】【露】【出】【八】

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